Gender inequality persists around the globe. Gender continues to largely shape people’s roles and opportunities. From early childhood, gender begins to influence people’s life trajectories. Families may socialise gender behaviour and beliefs in children, so we need to understand these socialisation processes. However, little work has comprehensively examined parents’ beliefs and behaviours that may contribute to the development of gendered beliefs and behaviours in young children, for both girls and boys. This thesis aims to address this gap by investigating parents’ beliefs and behaviours that contribute to children’s appropriation of gender roles, using a combination of methodological approaches.

Chapter 2 (Studies 1, 2, and 3) examined how parents address sexism with children. Study 1 showed that in parents (n = 226) of children aged 4 to 14 years the belief that sexism should be addressed with children was predicted by egalitarian beliefs about gender roles, sexism discussions during childhood with own parents, and by being a mother (compared to father). Study 2 examined reasoning about real-life scenarios in which children might experience sexism, with parents (n = 169) of children aged 4 to 11 years. Parents were more likely to identify sexism in explicitly sexist than ambivalent situations. Yet, explicitness of sexism did not affect parents’ willingness to discuss the sexist situation with the children. Study 3 showed that parents (n = 200) of children aged 4 to 11 years were more willing to discuss sexist situations that made children upset compared to those that made children feel indifferent. Across studies parents predominantly avoided addressing sexism itself in reported conversations with children – they were more likely to focus on other aspects of the sexist situations in conversations with children. Perceived discrimination in the situations did not predict willingness to address sexist situations. Chapter 3 (Studies 4 and 5) focused on parents’ skills-expectations and encouragement for children’s future masculine- and feminine-stereotyped careers in parents of children aged 4 to 7 years. Study 4 indicated that parents (n = 250) did not show gender stereotyped patterns of skill-expectations and encouragement for masculine-stereotyped occupations for girls. However, more traditional beliefs about gender roles predicted lower encouragement for boys’ future feminine-stereotyped careers. Study 5 showed that parents’ gender stereotypes (n = 238) had an effect in predicting children’s counter-stereotyped occupations above and beyond effects of perceived prestige of occupations. Finally, Chapter 4 (Study 6), examined conversations about gender-stereotyped activities and behaviours between parents and children aged 4 to 6 years (n = 40 dyads). Children as early as the age of 4 to 6 provided more stereotype consistent than stereotype inconsistent responses. Parents were more likely to challenge boys’ than girls’ stereotype inconsistent responses.

In summary, findings from this thesis suggest that parents’ expectations, encouragement, and communication patterns continue to follow gender-stereotyped patterns when children are 4 to 7 years. Boys seem to face stricter limitations around counter-stereotyped roles compared to girls. The findings from this thesis highlight both the constraints and possibilities of parental influence. They point to the need for a broader systemic change while also identifying parents as potential agents of more equitable development for all children, regardless of their gender.